The Naked Power: Understanding Nonverbal Communications of Power

Most interestingly, these features can be part of nonverbal behaviour, but they also work when they are presented separated from the human body, for instance in furniture, fonts, diagrams, art, and architecture. For instance, in some elegant studies, Aronoff and his colleagues have illustrated how angular and circular shapes are contrasted in folk art from all over the world, such as masks, dances, and paintings, to convey conflict and threat. For instance, around the world, ritual masks that embody dangerous spirits or characters feature triangular shapes in the face (Aronoff, 2005). In other words, artists, architects, and advertisers very likely use these schemas to communicate power of the people that they depict in their works, and to influence our perceptions of them. We, as the consumers and observers of their messages, easily pick up the cues, often probably without even noticing them consciously. This, however, does not mean that we have no control over the impression these messages have on us. If we know about the possible influence, if we have the time and mental resources to think about it, and if we care about the impression that is made on us, than we can correct the impression conveyed by the schematic cues of power (Schubert, Waldzus, & Giessner, in press).

Where Do We Learn to Interpret Power Communication Unconsciously? 

But one important question is still open: Why exactly do we interpret size, height, and diagonal features as powerful? The jury on this question is still out, and there is not yet a theory that can explain all the cues cited in this article. The most likely interpretation is that we abstract the cues from the experiences we make as children and adolescents: The powerful are typically larger and above us in this time, and this is precisely what makes them more powerful (Schwartz et al., 1982). Moreover, angry faces conveying threat and power display diagonal brows. Some scholars, for instance Alan Fiske (2004), also argue that evolution has equipped us with a preparedness to interpret size and height as power.

But there may never be a complete account of the nonverbal cues that distinguish the powerful from the powerless, because there is no fixed and limited repertoire. Instead, new behaviours may constantly be invented because they serve to create and maintain power. For instance, when people with a highly developed motive to gain social power want to persuade others of their attitude, they actually excel in doing so – and they achieve it by effectively using three nonverbal means: gesturing and eyebrow lifts, in addition to talking very fluently (Schultheiss & Brunstein, 2002). Furthermore, it seems likely that people with a powermotive learn such successful influence tactics because they get a testosterone surge after successfully winning over somebody else (Schultheiss et al., 2005; Schultheiss & Rohde, 2002). In the same manner, people high in power (motive) are likely to acquire all kinds of behaviours that give them what they strive for. Thus, the list of differences in nonverbal behaviours between powerful and powerless is probably never definite.

References

Archer, D., Iritani, B., Kimes, D. D., & Barrios, M. (1983). Face-ism: Five studies of sex differences in facial prominence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 45, 725-735.

 

Aronoff, J. (2005). How we recognize angry and happy emotion in people, places, and things. Cross-Cultural Research: The Journal of Comparative Social Science, 40, 83-105.

Aronoff, J., Barclay, A. M., & Stevenson, L. A. (1988). The recognition of threatening facial stimuli. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 647-655.

Aronoff, J., Woike, B., & Hyman, L. M. (1992). Which are the stimuli in facial displays of anger and happiness? Configurational bases of emotion recognition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62, 1050-1066.

Bargh, J. A., & Chartrand, T. L. (1999). The unbearable automaticity of being. American Psychologist, 54, 462-479.

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