Penetrating the Circle of Death: Why People are Dying (and Killing) Not to Die

TMT has implications for a wide array of topics, ranging from human sexuality to robotics (Greenberg, Solomon, & Arndt, 2007), but the theory makes two points particularly pertinent to the human propensity for violence. First, because psychological security from the fear of death depends on faith in one’s own culturally derived worldview, the very existence of religious faiths, ideologies, or nations that promote alternative worldviews calls into question the validity of one’s own worldview and thereby arouses anxiety. To minimize these threats to psychological security, people are prone to champion their own worldview and respond to different others with hostility and aggression, resulting in prejudice and intergroup aggression.

Second, psychological security is predicated not just on faith in one’s worldview, but also on the self-esteem afforded by living up to the standards of value of that worldview. Therefore, if the worldview prescribes actions dangerous to self or others in order to feel of value, concerns with mortality will fuel actions that bring death to the fore. The empirical literature guided by TMT amply demonstrates the ways in which concerns about mortality can contribute to risky and destructive actions.

The evidence for terror management: Effects of mortality salience on in-group bias, out-group aggression, and politics

To understand the wealth of empirical research that has supported TMT over the past two decades (recently summarized inGreenberg, Solomon, & Arndt, 2007), one must first grasp the mortality salience (MS) hypothesis, one of the core hypotheses derived from the theory. Simply put, the MS hypothesis holds that, if much of people’s activity and thinking is oriented toward sustaining cultural frameworks and self-images that provide security against the thought of death, then reminding individuals of their mortality should activate bolstering of those security-providing beliefs. If our sense of self-esteem and our faith in elements of our cultural worldview that give our lives meaning serve as cognitive anxiety buffers, constantly sheltering us from death fear, then exposing participants to death reminders should activate these psychological defenses. Researchers who run MS lab experiments first expose participants to relatively innocuous reminders of their mortality – as simple as asking them the first sentence that comes to mind when they think about their own death, as subtle as the word "death" flashed on a computer screen so quickly it isn’t consciously noticed – and then give them the opportunity to bolster either their self-esteem, or faith in their religious group, nation, or political party (known as worldview defense). The participants aren’t even aware of the cognitive process occurring, but MS causes them to latch onto these security-providing concepts.

A large set of studies have clarified the psychological processes that occur when some external event, whether a laboratory MS induction or something a person encounters in their day-to-day life, reminds that person of their own death (Arndt et al., 2004;Pyszczynski et al., 1999). When such death-related thoughts enter consciousness, people initially try to convince themselves that death is a distant threat (e.g., "I am young and healthy", or "I am very careful to behave safely"), and actively try to suppress thoughts of death, pushing them out of consciousness. Such conscious suppression efforts are generally successful for the average, non-paranoid person; nevertheless, after these active efforts are relaxed, thoughts of death remain on the fringes of consciousness. These lingering thoughts – no longer directly accessible to the person – signal the possibility that the idea of death may return to consciousness and engender intense anxiety. This motivates the individual to bolster their faith in their worldview and their own self-worth. These defenses then free the mind from the threat of intruding thoughts of death and the anxiety they could arouse, at least until some external event reminds the individual of death again, or threatens the structures (faith in their worldview and self-worth) that protect people from such thoughts (Schimel, Hayes, & Williams, 2007).

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